Order in Human Beings
4. And yet there is
a disunity among individuals and among
nations which is in striking contrast to
this perfect order in the universe. One
would think that the relationships that bind
men together could only be governed by
force.
5. But the world's
Creator has stamped man's inmost being with
an order revealed to man by his conscience;
and his conscience insists on his preserving
it. Men "show the work of the law written in
their hearts. Their conscience bears witness
to them." (5) And how could it be otherwise?
All created being reflects the infinite
wisdom of God. It reflects it all the more
clearly, the higher it stands in the scale
of perfection. (6)
6. But the mischief
is often caused by erroneous opinions. Many
people think that the laws which govern
man's relations with the State are the same
as those which regulate the blind, elemental
forces of the universe. But it is not so;
the laws which govern men are quite
different. The Father of the universe has
inscribed them in man's nature, and that is
where we must look for them; there and
nowhere else.
7. These laws
clearly indicate how a man must behave
toward his fellows in society, and how the
mutual relationships between the members of
a State and its officials are to be
conducted. They show too what principles
must govern the relations between States;
and finally, what should be the relations
between individuals or States on the one
hand, and the world-wide community of
nations on the other. Men's common interests
make it imperative that at long last a
world-wide community of nations be
established.
I.
ORDER BETWEEN MEN
8. We must devote
our attention first of all to that order
which should prevail among men.
9. Any
well-regulated and productive association of
men in society demands the acceptance of one
fundamental principle: that each individual
man is truly a person. His is a nature, that
is, endowed with intelligence and free will.
As such he has rights and duties, which
together flow as a direct consequence from
his nature. These rights and duties are
universal and inviolable, and therefore
altogether inalienable. (7)
10. When,
furthermore, we consider man's personal
dignity from the standpoint of divine
revelation, inevitably our estimate of it is
incomparably increased. Men have been
ransomed by the blood of Jesus Christ. Grace
has made them sons and friends of God, and
heirs to eternal glory.
Rights
11. But first We
must speak of man's rights. Man has the
right to live. He has the right to bodily
integrity and to the means necessary for the
proper development of life, particularly
food, clothing, shelter, medical care, rest,
and, finally, the necessary social services.
In consequence, he has the right to be
looked after in the event of illhealth;
disability stemming from his work;
widowhood; old age; enforced unemployment;
or whenever through no fault of his own he
is deprived of the means of livelihood. (8)
Rights Pertaining to Moral and Cultural
Values
12. Moreover, man
has a natural right to be respected. He has
a right to his good name. He has a right to
freedom in investigating the truth,
and—within the limits of the moral order and
the common good—to freedom of speech and
publication, and to freedom to pursue
whatever profession he may choose. He has
the right, also, to be accurately informed
about public events.
13. He has the
natural right to share in the benefits of
culture, and hence to receive a good general
education, and a technical or professional
training consistent with the degree of
educational development in his own country.
Furthermore, a system must be devised for
affording gifted members of society the
opportunity of engaging in more advanced
studies, with a view to their occupying, as
far as possible, positions of responsibility
in society in keeping with their natural
talent and acquired skill. (9)
The Right to Worship God According to One's
Conscience
14. Also among
man's rights is that of being able to
worship God in accordance with the right
dictates of his own conscience, and to
profess his religion both in private and in
public. According to the clear teaching of
Lactantius, "this is the very condition of
our birth, that we render to the God who
made us that just homage which is His due;
that we acknowledge Him alone as God, and
follow Him. It is from this ligature of
piety, which binds us and joins us to God,
that religion derives its name.'' (l0)
Hence, too, Pope
Leo XIII declared that "true freedom,
freedom worthy of the sons of God, is that
freedom which most truly safeguards the
dignity of the human person. It is stronger
than any violence or injustice. Such is the
freedom which has always been desired by the
Church, and which she holds most dear. It is
the sort of freedom which the Apostles
resolutely claimed for themselves. The
apologists defended it in their writings;
thousands of martyrs consecrated it with
their blood.'' (11)
The Right to Choose Freely One's State in
Life
15. Human beings
have also the right to choose for themselves
the kind of life which appeals to them:
whether it is to found a family—in the
founding of which both the man and the woman
enjoy equal rights and duties—or to embrace
the priesthood or the religious life. (l2)
16. The family,
founded upon marriage freely contracted, one
and indissoluble, must be regarded as the
natural, primary cell of human society. The
interests of the family, therefore, must be
taken very specially into consideration in
social and economic affairs, as well as in
the spheres of faith and morals. For all of
these have to do with strengthening the
family and assisting it in the fulfilment of
its mission.
17. Of course, the
support and education of children is a right
which belongs primarily to the parents. (l3)
Economic Rights
18. In the economic
sphere, it is evident that a man has the
inherent right not only to be given the
opportunity to work, but also to be allowed
the exercise of personal initiative in the
work he does. (14)
19. The conditions
in which a man works form a necessary
corollary to these rights. They must not be
such as to weaken his physical or moral
fibre, or militate against the proper
development of adolescents to manhood. Women
must be accorded such conditions of work as
are consistent with their needs and
responsibilities as wives and mothers. (15)
20. A further
consequence of man's personal dignity is his
right to engage in economic activities
suited to his degree of responsibility. (l6)
The worker is likewise entitled to a wage
that is determined in accordance with the
precepts of justice. This needs stressing.
The amount a worker receives must be
sufficient, in proportion to available
funds, to allow him and his family a
standard of living consistent with human
dignity. Pope Pius XII expressed it in these
terms:
"Nature imposes
work upon man as a duty, and man has the
corresponding natural right to demand that
the work he does shall provide him with the
means of livelihood for himself and his
children. Such is nature's categorical
imperative for the preservation of man.''
(l7)
21. As a further
consequence of man's nature, he has the
right to the private ownership of property,
including that of productive goods. This, as
We have said elsewhere, is "a right which
constitutes so efficacious a means of
asserting one's personality and exercising
responsibility in every field, and an
element of solidity and security for family
life, and of greater peace and prosperity in
the State.'' (18)
22. Finally, it is
opportune to point out that the right to own
private property entails a social obligation
as well. (l9)
The Right of Meeting and Association
23. Men are by
nature social, and consequently they have
the right to meet together and to form
associations with their fellows. They have
the right to confer on such associations the
type of organization which they consider
best calculated to achieve their objectives.
They have also the right to exercise their
own initiative and act on their own
responsibility within these associations for
the attainment of the desired results , (20)
24. As We insisted
in Our encyclical Mater et Magistra,
the founding of a great many such
intermediate groups or societies for the
pursuit of aims which it is not within the
competence of the individual to achieve
efficiently, is a matter of great urgency.
Such groups and societies must be considered
absolutely essential for the safeguarding of
man's personal freedom and dignity, while
leaving intact a sense of responsibility.
(21)
The Right to Emigrate and Immigrate
25. Again, every
human being has the right to freedom of
movement and of residence within the
confines of his own State. When there are
just reasons in favor of it, he must be
permitted to emigrate to other countries and
take up residence there. (22) The fact that
he is a citizen of a particular State does
not deprive him of membership in the human
family, nor of citizenship in that universal
society, the common, world-wide fellowship
of men.
Political Rights
26. Finally, man's
personal dignity involves his right to take
an active part in public life, and to make
his own contribution to the common welfare
of his fellow citizens. As Pope Pius XII
said, "man as such, far from being an object
or, as it were, an inert element in society,
is rather its subject, its basis and its
purpose; and so must he be esteemed." (23)
27. As a human
person he is entitled to the legal
protection of his rights, and such
protection must be effective, unbiased, and
strictly just. To quote again Pope Pius XII:
"In consequence of that juridical order
willed by God, man has his own inalienable
right to juridical security. To him is
assigned a certain, well-defined sphere of
law, immune from arbitrary attack." (24)
Duties
8. The natural
rights of which We have so far been speaking
are inextricably bound up with as many
duties, all applying to one and the same
person. These rights and duties derive their
origin, their sustenance, and their
indestructibility from the natural law,
which in conferring the one imposes the
other.
9. Thus, for
example, the right to live involves the duty
to preserve one's life; the right to a
decent standard of living, the duty to live
in a becoming fashion; the right to be free
to seek out the truth, the duty to devote
oneself to an ever deeper and wider search
for it.
Reciprocity of Rights and Duties Between
Persons
30. Once this is
admitted, it follows that in human society
one man's natural right gives rise to a
corresponding duty in other men; the duty,
that is, of recognizing and respecting that
right. Every basic human right draws its
authoritative force from the natural law,
which confers it and attaches to it its
respective duty. Hence, to claim one's
rights and ignore one's duties, or only half
fulfill them, is like building a house with
one hand and tearing it down with the other.
Mutual Collaboration
31. Since men are
social by nature, they must live together
and consult each other's interests. That men
should recognize and perform their
respective rights and duties is imperative
to a well ordered society. But the result
will be that each individual will make his
whole-hearted contribution to the creation
of a civic order in which rights and duties
are ever more diligently and more
effectively observed.
32. For example, it
is useless to admit that a man has a right
to the necessities of life, unless we also
do all in our power to supply him with means
sufficient for his livelihood.
33. Hence society
must not only be well ordered, it must also
provide men with abundant resources. This
postulates not only the mutual recognition
and fulfillment of rights and duties, but
also the involvement and collaboration of
all men in the many enterprises which our
present civilization makes possible,
encourages or indeed demands.
An Attitude of Responsibility
34. Man's personal
dignity requires besides that he enjoy
freedom and be able to make up his own mind
when he acts. In his association with his
fellows, therefore, there is every reason
why his recognition of rights, observance of
duties, and many-sided collaboration with
other men, should be primarily a matter of
his own personal decision. Each man should
act on his own initiative, conviction, and
sense of responsibility, not under the
constant pressure of external coercion or
enticement. There is nothing human about a
society that is welded together by force.
Far from encouraging, as it should, the
attainment of man's progress and perfection,
it is merely an obstacle to his freedom.
Social Life in Truth, Justice, Charity and
Freedom
35. Hence, before a
society can be considered well-ordered,
creative, and consonant with human dignity,
it must be based on truth. St. Paul
expressed this as follows: "Putting away
lying, speak ye the truth every man with his
neighbor, for we are members one of
another." (25) And so will it be, if each
man acknowledges sincerely his own rights
and his own duties toward others.
Human society, as
We here picture it, demands that men be
guided by justice, respect the rights of
others and do their duty. It demands, too,
that they be animated by such love as will
make them feel the needs of others as their
own, and induce them to share their goods
with others, and to strive in the world to
make all men alike heirs to the noblest of
intellectual and spiritual values. Nor is
this enough; for human society thrives on
freedom, namely, on the use of means which
are consistent with the dignity of its
individual members, who, being endowed with
reason, assume responsibility for their own
actions .
36. And so, dearest
sons and brothers, we must think of human
society as being primarily a spiritual
reality. By its means enlightened men can
share their knowledge of the truth, can
claim their rights and fulfill their duties,
receive encouragement in their aspirations
for the goods of the spirit, share their
enjoyment of all the wholesome pleasures of
the world, and strive continually to pass on
to others all that is best in themselves and
to make their own the spiritual riches of
others. It is these spiritual values which
exert a guiding influence on culture,
economics, social institutions, political
movements and forms, laws, and all the other
components which go to make up the external
community of men and its continual
development.
God and the Moral Order
37. Now the order
which prevails in human society is wholly
incorporeal in nature. Its foundation is
truth, and it must be brought into effect by
justice. It needs to be animated and
perfected by men's love for one another,
and, while preserving freedom intact, it
must make for an equilibrium in society
which is increasingly more human in
character.
38. But such an
order—universal, absolute and immutable in
its principles—finds its source in the true,
personal and transcendent God. He is the
first truth, the sovereign good, and as such
the deepest source from which human society,
if it is to be properly constituted,
creative, and worthy of man's dignity, draws
its genuine vitality. (26) This is what St.
Thomas means when he says: "Human reason is
the standard which measures the degree of
goodness of the human will, and as such it
derives from the eternal law, which is
divine reason . . . Hence it is clear that
the goodness of the human will depends much
more on the eternal law than on human
reason." (27)
Characteristics of the Present Day
39. There are three
things which characterize our modern age.
40. In the first
place we notice a progressive improvement in
the economic and social condition of working
men. They began by claiming their rights
principally in the economic and social
spheres, and then proceeded to lay claim to
their political rights as well. Finally,
they have turned their attention to
acquiring the more cultural benefits of
society.
Today, therefore,
working men all over the world are loud in
their demands that they shall in no
circumstances be subjected to arbitrary
treatment, as though devoid of intelligence
and freedom. They insist on being treated as
human beings, with a share in every sector
of human society: in the socio-economic
sphere, in government, and in the realm of
learning and culture.
41. Secondly, the
part that women are now playing in political
life is everywhere evident. This is a
development that is perhaps of swifter
growth among Christian nations, but it is
also happening extensively, if more slowly,
among nations that are heirs to different
traditions and imbued with a different
culture. Women are gaining an increasing
awareness of their natural dignity. Far from
being content with a purely passive role or
allowing themselves to be regarded as a kind
of instrument, they are demanding both in
domestic and in public life the rights and
duties which belong to them as human
persons.
42. Finally, we are
confronted in this modern age with a form of
society which is evolving on entirely new
social and political lines. Since all
peoples have either attained political
independence or are on the way to attaining
it, soon no nation will rule over another
and none will be subject to an alien power.
43. Thus all over
the world men are either the citizens of an
independent State, or are shortly to become
so; nor is any nation nowadays content to
submit to foreign domination. The
longstanding inferiority complex of certain
classes because of their economic and social
status, sex, or position in the State, and
the corresponding superiority complex of
other classes, is rapidly becoming a thing
of the past.
Equality of Men
44. Today, on the
contrary the conviction is widespread that
all men are equal in natural dignity; and
so, on the doctrinal and theoretical level,
at least, no form of approval is being given
to racial discrimination. All this is of
supreme significance for the formation of a
human society animated by the principles We
have mentioned above, for man's awareness of
his rights must inevitably lead him to the
recognition of his duties. The possession of
rights involves the duty of implementing
those rights, for they are the expression of
a man's personal dignity. And the possession
of rights also involves their recognition
and respect by other people.
45. When society is
formed on a basis of rights and duties, men
have an immediate grasp of spiritual and
intellectual values, and have no difficulty
in understanding what is meant by truth,
justice, charity and freedom. They become,
moreover, conscious of being members of such
a society. And that is not all. Inspired by
such principles, they attain to a better
knowledge of the true God—a personal God
transcending human nature. They recognize
that their relationship with God forms the
very foundation of their life—the interior
life of the spirit, and the life which they
live in the society of their fellows.
II.
RELATIONS BETWEEN INDIVIDUALS AND THE PUBLIC
AUTHORITIES
46. Human society
can be neither well-ordered nor prosperous
without the presence of those who, invested
with legal authority, preserve its
institutions and do all that is necessary to
sponsor actively the interests of all its
members. And they derive their authority
from God, for, as St. Paul teaches, "there
is no power but from God". (28)
In his commentary
on this passage, St. John Chrysostom writes:
"What are you saying? Is every ruler
appointed by God? No, that is not what I
mean, he says, for I am not now talking
about individual rulers, but about authority
as such. My contention is that the existence
of a ruling authority—the fact that some
should command and others obey, and that all
things not come about as the result of blind
chance—this is a provision of divine
wisdom." (29)
God has created men
social by nature, and a society cannot "hold
together unless someone is in command to
give effective direction and unity of
purpose. Hence every civilized community
must have a ruling authority, and this
authority, no less than society itself, has
its source in nature, and consequently has
God for its author." (30)
47. But it must not
be imagined that authority knows no bounds.
Since its starting point is the permission
to govern in accordance with right reason,
there is no escaping the conclusion that it
derives its binding force from the moral
order, which in turn has God as its origin
and end.
Hence, to quote
Pope Pius XII, "The absolute order of living
beings, and the very purpose of man—an
autonomous being, the subject of duties and
inviolable rights, and the origin and
purpose of human society—have a direct
bearing upon the State as a necessary
community endowed with authority. Divest it
of this authority, and it is nothing, it is
lifeless.... But right reason, and above all
Christian faith, make it clear that such an
order can have no other origin but in God, a
personal God, our Creator. Hence it is from
Him that State officials derive their
dignity, for they share to some extent in
the authority of God Himself." (31)
An Appeal to Conscience
48. Hence, a regime
which governs solely or mainly by means of
threats and intimidation or promises of
reward, provides men with no effective
incentive to work for the common good. And
even if it did, it would certainly be
offensive to the dignity of free and
rational human beings. Authority is before
all else a moral force. For this reason the
appeal of rulers should be to the individual
conscience, to the duty which every man has
of voluntarily contributing to the common
good. But since all men are equal in natural
dignity, no man has the capacity to force
internal compliance on another. Only God can
do that, for He alone scrutinizes and judges
the secret counsels of the heart.
49. Hence,
representatives of the State have no power
to bind men in conscience, unless their own
authority is tied to God's authority, and is
a participation in it. (32)
50. The application
of this principle likewise safeguards the
dignity of citizens. Their obedience to
civil authorities is never an obedience paid
to them as men. It is in reality an act of
homage paid to God, the provident Creator of
the universe, who has decreed that men's
dealings with one another be regulated in
accordance with that order which He Himself
has established. And we men do not demean
ourselves in showing due reverence to God.
On the contrary, we are lifted up and
ennobled in spirit, for to serve God is to
reign. (33)
5l. Governmental
authority, therefore, is a postulate of the
moral order and derives from God.
Consequently, laws and decrees passed in
contravention of the moral order, and hence
of the divine will, can have no binding
force in conscience, since "it is right to
obey God rather than men " (34)
Indeed, the passing
of such laws undermines the very nature of
authority and results in shameful abuse. As
St. Thomas teaches, "In regard to the second
proposition, we maintain that human law has
the rationale of law in so far as it is in
accordance with right reason, and as such it
obviously derives from eternal law. A law
which is at variance with reason is to that
extent unjust and has no longer the
rationale of law. It is rather an act of
violence." (35)
52. The fact that
authority comes from God does not mean that
men have no power to choose those who are to
rule the State, or to decide upon the type
of government they want, and determine the
procedure and limitations of rulers in the
exercise of their authority. Hence the above
teaching is consonant with any genuinely
democratic form of government. (36)
Attainment of the Common Good is the Purpose
of the Public Authority
53. Men, both as
individuals and as intermediate groups, are
required to make their own specific
contributions to the general welfare. The
main consequence of this is that they must
harmonize their own interests with the needs
of others, and offer their goods and
services as their rulers shall
direct—assuming, of course, that justice is
maintained and the authorities are acting
within the limits of their competence. Those
who have authority in the State must
exercise that authority in a way which is
not only morally irreproachable, but also
best calculated to ensure or promote the
State's welfare.
54. The attainment
of the common good is the sole reason for
the existence of civil authorities. In
working for the common good, therefore, the
authorities must obviously respect its
nature, and at the same time adjust their
legislation to meet the requirements of the
given situation .(37)
Essentials of the Common Good
55. Among the
essential elements of the common good one
must certainly include the various
characteristics distinctive of each
individual people. (38) But these by no
means constitute the whole of it. For the
common good, since it is intimately bound up
with human nature, can never exist fully and
completely unless the human person is taken
into account at all times. Thus, attention
must be paid to the basic nature of the
common good and what it is that brings it
about. (39)
56. We must add,
therefore, that it is in the nature of the
common good that every single citizen has
the right to share in it—although in
different ways, depending on his tasks,
merits and circumstances. Hence every civil
authority must strive to promote the common
good in the interest of all, without
favoring any individual citizen or category
of citizen. As Pope Leo XIII insisted: "The
civil power must not be subservient to the
advantage of any one individual, or of some
few persons; inasmuch as it was established
for the common good of all." (40)
Nevertheless,
considerations of justice and equity can at
times demand that those in power pay more
attention to the weaker members of society,
since these are at a disadvantage when it
comes to defending their own rights and
asserting their legitimate interests. (41)
The Spiritual, Too
57. In this
connection, We would draw the attention of
Our own sons to the fact that the common
good is something which affects the needs of
the whole man, body and soul. That, then, is
the sort of good which rulers of States must
take suitable measure to ensure. They must
respect the hierarchy of values, and aim at
achieving the spiritual as well as the
material prosperity of their subjects. (42)
58. These
principles are clearly contained in that
passage in Our encyclical Mater et Magistra
where We emphasized that the common good
"must take account of all those social
conditions which favor the full development
of human personality. (43)
59. Consisting, as
he does, of body and immortal soul, man
cannot in this mortal life satisfy his needs
or attain perfect happiness. Thus, the
measures that are taken to implement the
common good must not jeopardize his eternal
salvation; indeed, they must even help him
to obtain it. (44)
Responsibilities of the Public Authority,
and Rights and Duties of Individuals
60. It is generally
accepted today that the common good is best
safeguarded when personal rights and duties
are guaranteed. The chief concern of civil
authorities must therefore be to ensure that
these rights are recognized, respected, co-ordinated,
defended and promoted, and that each
individual is enabled to perform his duties
more easily. For "to safeguard the
inviolable rights of the human person, and
to facilitate the performance of his duties,
is the principal duty of every public
authority." (45)
61. Thus any
government which refused to recognize human
rights or acted in violation of them, would
not only fail in its duty; its decrees would
be wholly lacking in binding force. (46)
Reconciliation and Protection of Rights and
Duties of Individuals
62. One of the
principal duties of any government,
moreover, is the suitable and adequate
superintendence and co-ordination of men's
respective rights in society. This must be
done in such a way 1) that the exercise of
their rights by certain citizens does not
obstruct other citizens in the exercise of
theirs; 2) that the individual, standing
upon his own rights, does not impede others
in the performance of their duties; 3) that
the rights of all be effectively
safeguarded, and completely restored if they
have been violated. (47)
Duty of Promoting the Rights of Individuals
63. In addition,
heads of States must make a positive
contribution to the creation of an overall
climate in which the individual can both
safeguard his own rights and fulfill his
duties, and can do so readily. For if there
is one thing we have learned in the school
of experience, it is surely this: that, in
the modern world especially, political,
economic and cultural inequities among
citizens become more and more widespread
when public authorities fail to take
appropriate action in these spheres. And the
consequence is that human rights and duties
are thus rendered totally ineffective.
64. The public
administration must therefore give
considerable care and thought to the
question of social as well as economic
progress, and to the development of
essential services in keeping with the
expansion of the productive system. Such
services include road-building,
transportation, communications,
drinking-water, housing, medical care, ample
facilities for the practice of religion, and
aids to recreation. The government must also
see to the provision of insurance
facilities, to obviate any likelihood of a
citizen's being unable to maintain a decent
standard of living in the event of some
misfortune, or greatly in creased family
responsibilities.
The government is
also required to show no less energy and
efficiency in the matter of providing
opportunities for suitable employment,
graded to the capacity of the workers. It
must make sure that working men are paid a
just and equitable wage, and are allowed a
sense of responsibility in the industrial
concerns for which they work. It must
facilitate the formation of intermediate
groups, so that the social life of the
people may become more fruitful and less
constrained. And finally, it must ensure
that everyone has the means and opportunity
of sharing as far as possible in cultural
benefits.
Harmonious Relations Between Public
Authority's Two Forms of Intervention
65. The common
welfare further demands that in their
efforts to co-ordinate and protect, and
their efforts to promote, the rights of
citizens, the civil authorities preserve a
delicate balance. An excessive concern for
the rights of any particular individuals or
groups might well result in the principal
advantages of the State being in effect
monopolized by these citizens. Or again, the
absurd situation can arise where the civil
authorities, while taking measures to
protect the rights of citizens, themselves
stand in the way of the full exercise of
these rights. "For this principle must
always be retained: that however extensive
and far-reaching the influence of the State
on the economy may be, it must never be
exerted to the extent of depriving the
individual citizen of his freedom of action.
It must rather augment his freedom, while
effectively guaranteeing the protection of
everyone's essential, personal rights." (48)
66. And the same
principle must be adopted by civil
authorities in their various efforts to
facilitate the exercise of rights and
performance of duties in every department of
social life.
Structure and Operation of the Public
Authority
67. For the rest,
it is not possible to give a general ruling
on the most suitable form of government, or
the ways in which civil authorities can most
effectively fulfill their legislative,
administrative, and judicial functions.
68. In determining
what form a particular government shall
take, and the way in which it shall
function, a major consideration will be the
prevailing circumstances and the condition
of the people; and these are things which
vary in different places and at different
times.
We think, however,
that it is in keeping with human nature for
the State to be given a form which embodies
a threefold division of public office
properly corresponding to the three main
functions of public authority. In such a
State a precise legal framework is provided,
not only for the official functions of
government, but also for the mutual
relations between citizens and public
officials. This will obviously afford sure
protection to citizens, both in the
safeguarding of their rights and in the
fulfilment of their duties.
69. If, however,
this juridical and political structure is to
realize its potential benefits, it is
absolutely essential that public officials
do their utmost to solve the problems that
arise; and they must do so by using policies
and techniques which it is within their
competence to implement, and which suit the
actual condition of the State. It is also
essential that, despite constantly changing
conditions, legislators never disregard the
moral law or constitutional provision, nor
act at variance with the exigencies of the
common good. And as justice must be the
guiding principle in the administration of
the State, and executives must thoroughly
understand the law and carefully weigh all
attendant circumstances, so too in the
courts: justice must be administered
impartially, and judges must be wholly
incorrupt and uninfluenced by the
solicitations of interested parties. The
good order of society also requires that
individuals and subsidiary groups within the
State be effectively protected by law in the
affirmation of their rights and the
performance of their duties, both in their
relations with each other and with
government officials. (49)
Law and Conscience
70. There can be no
doubt that a State juridical system which
conforms to the principles of justice and
rightness, and corresponds to the degree of
civic maturity evinced by the State in
question, is highly conducive to the
attainment of the common good.
71. And yet social
life is so complex, varied and active in
this modern age, that even a juridical
system which has been established with great
prudence and foresight often seems
inadequate to the need.
72. Moreover, the
relations of citizens with each other, of
citizens and intermediate groups with public
authorities, and the relations between
public authorities of the same State, are
sometimes seen to be of so ambiguous and
explosive a nature, that they are not
susceptible of being regulated by any hard
and fast system of laws.
In such cases, if
the authorities want to preserve the State's
juridical system intact—in itself and in its
application to specific cases—and if they
want to minister to the principal needs of
society, adapt the laws to the conditions of
modern life and seek solutions to new
problems, then it is essential that they
have a clear idea of the nature and limits
of their own legitimate spheres of action.
Their calmness, integrity, clear sightedness
and perseverance must be such that they will
recognize at once what is needed in a given
situation, and act with promptness and
efficiency. (50)
Citizens' Participation in Public Life
73. A natural
consequence of men's dignity is
unquestionably their right to take an active
part in government, though their degree of
participation will necessarily depend on the
stage of development reached by the
political community of which they are
members.
74. For the rest,
this right to take part in government opens
out to men a new and extensive field of
opportunity for service. A situation is
created in which civic authorities can, from
the greater frequency of their contacts and
discussions with the citizens, gain a
clearer idea of what policies are in fact
effectual for the common good; and in a
system which allows for a regular succession
of public officials, the authority of these
officials, far from growing old and feeble,
takes on a new vitality in keeping with the
progressive development of human society.
(51)
Characteristics of the Present Day
75. There is every
indication at the present time that these
aims and ideals are giving rise to various
demands concerning the juridical
organization of States. The first is this:
that a clear and precisely worded charter of
fundamental human rights be formulated and
incorporated into the State's general
constitutions.
76. Secondly, each
State must have a public constitution,
couched in juridical terms, laying down
clear rules relating to the designation of
public officials, their reciprocal
relations, spheres of competence and
prescribed methods of operation.
77. The final
demand is that relations between citizens
and public authorities be described in terms
of rights and duties. It must be clearly
laid down that the principal function of
public authorities is to recognize, respect,
co-ordinate, safeguard and promote citizens'
rights and duties
78. We must,
however, reject the view that the will of
the individual or the group is the primary
and only source of a citizen's rights and
duties, and of the binding force of
political constitutions and the government's
authority. (52)
79. But the
aspirations We have mentioned are a clear
indication of the fact that men,
increasingly aware nowadays of their
personal dignity, have found the incentive
to enter government service and demand
constitutional recognition for their own
inviolable rights. Not content with this,
they are demanding, too, the observance of
constitutional procedures in the appointment
of public authorities, and are insisting
that they exercise their office within this
constitutional framework.
III.
RELATIONS BETWEEN STATES
80. With respect to
States themselves, Our predecessors have
constantly taught, and We wish to lend the
weight of Our own authority to their
teaching, that nations are the subjects of
reciprocal rights and duties. Their
relationships, therefore, must likewise be
harmonized in accordance with the dictates
of truth, justice, willing cooperation, and
freedom. The same law of nature that governs
the life and conduct of individuals must
also regulate the relations of political
communities with one another.
81. This will be
readily understood when one reflects that it
is quite impossible for political leaders to
lay aside their natural dignity while acting
in their country's name and in its interests
They are still bound by the natural law,
which is the rule that governs all moral
conduct, and they have no authority to
depart from its slightest precepts.
82. The idea that
men, by the fact of their appointment to
public office, are compelled to lay aside
their own humanity, is quite inconceivable
Their very attainment to this high-ranking
office was due to their exceptional gifts
and intellectual qualities, which earned for
them their reputation as outstanding
representatives of the body politic
83. Moreover, a
ruling authority is indispensable to civil
society. That is a fact which follows from
the moral order itself. Such authority,
therefore, cannot be misdirected against the
moral order. It would immediately cease to
exit, being deprived of its whole raison
d'etre. God Himself warns us of this: "Hear,
therefore, ye kings, and understand: learn,
ye that are judges of the ends of the earth.
Give ear, you that rule the people, and that
please yourselves in multitudes of nations.
For power is given you by the Lord, and
strength by the Most High, who will examine
your works, and search out your thoughts."
(53)
84. And lastly one
must bear in mind that, even when it
regulates the relations between States,
authority must be exercised for the
promotion of the common good. That is the
primary reason for its existence.
An lmperative of the Common Good
85. But one of the
principal imperatives of the common good is
the recognition of the moral order and the
unfailing observance of its precepts. "A
firmly established order between political
communities must be founded on the
unshakable and unmoving rock of the moral
law, that law which is revealed in the order
of nature by the Creator Himself, and
engraved indelibly on men's hearts . . . Its
principles are beacon lights to guide the
policies of men and nations. They are also
warning lights—providential signs—which men
must heed if their laborious efforts to
establish a new order are not to encounter
perilous storms and shipwreck." (54)
In Truth
86. The first point
to be settled is that mutual ties between
States must be governed by truth. Truth
calls for the elimination of every trace of
racial discrimination, and the consequent
recognition of the inviolable principle that
all States are by nature equal in dignity.
Each of them
accordingly has the right to exist, to
develop, and to possess the necessary means
and accept a primary responsibility for its
own development. Each is also legitimately
entitled to its good name and to the respect
which is its due.
87. As we know from
experience, men frequently differ widely in
knowledge, virtue, intelligence and wealth,
but that is no valid argument in favor of a
system whereby those who are in a position
of superiority impose their will arbitrarily
on others. On the contrary, such men have a
greater share in the common responsibility
to help others to reach perfection by their
mutual efforts.
88. So, too, on the
international level: some nations may have
attained to a superior degree of scientific,
cultural and economic development. But that
does not entitle them to exert unjust
political domination over other nations. It
means that they have to make a greater
contribution to the common cause of social
progress.
89. The fact is
that no one can be by nature superior to his
fellows, since all men are equally noble in
natural dignity. And consequently there are
no differences at all between political
communities from the point of view of
natural dignity. Each State is like a body,
the members of which are human beings. And,
as we know from experience, nations can be
highly sensitive in matters in any way
touching their dignity and honor; and with
good reason.
The Question of Propaganda
90. Truth further
demands an attitude of unrufffled
impartiality in the use of the many aids to
the promotion and spread of mutual
understanding between nations which modern
scientific progress has made available. This
does not mean that people should be
prevented from drawing particular attention
to the virtues of their own way of life, but
it does mean the utter rejection of ways of
disseminating information which violate the
principles of truth and justice, and injure
the reputation of another nation. (55)
In Justice
91. Relations
between States must furthermore be regulated
by justice. This necessitates both the
recognition of their mutual rights, and, at
the same time, the fulfilment of their
respective duties.
92. States have the
right to existence, to self development, and
to the means necessary to achieve this. They
have the right to play the leading part in
the process of their own development, and
the right to their good name and due honors.
Consequently, States are likewise in duty
bound to safeguard all such rights
effectively, and to avoid any action that
could violate them. And just as individual
men may not pursue their own private
interests in a way that is unfair and
detrimental to others, so too it would be
criminal in a State to aim at improving
itself by the use of methods which involve
other nations in injury and unjust
oppression. There is a saying of St.
Augustine which has particular relevance in
this context: "Take away justice, and what
are kingdoms but mighty bands of robbers
"(56)
93. There may be,
and sometimes is, a clash of interests among
States, each striving for its own
development. When differences of this sort
arise, they must be settled in a truly human
way, not by armed force nor by deceit or
trickery. There must be a mutual assessment
of the arguments and feelings on both sides,
a mature and objective investigation of the
situation, and an equitable reconciliation
of opposing views.
The Treatment of Minorities
94. A special
instance of this clash of interests is
furnished by that political trend (which
since the nineteenth century has become
widespread throughout the world and has
gained in strength) as a result of which men
of similar ethnic background are anxious for
political autonomy and unification into a
single nation. For many reasons this cannot
always be effected, and consequently
minority peoples are often obliged to live
within the territories of a nation of a
different ethnic origin. This situation
gives rise to serious problems.
95. It is quite
clear that any attempt to check the vitality
and growth of these ethnic minorities is a
flagrant violation of justice; the more so
if such perverse efforts are aimed at their
very extinction .
96. Indeed, the
best interests of justice are served by
those public authorities who do all they can
to improve the human conditions of the
members of these minority groups, especially
in what concerns their language, culture,
ancient traditions, and their economic
activity and enterprise. (57)
A
Cautionary Note
97. It is worth
noting, however, that these minority groups,
in reaction, perhaps, to the enforced
hardships of their present situation, or to
historical circumstances, frequently tend to
magnify unduly characteristics proper to
their own people. They even rate them above
those human values which are common to all
mankind, as though the good of the entire
human family should subserve the interests
of their own particular groups. A more
reasonable attitude for such people to adopt
would be to recognize the advantages, too,
which accrue to them from their own special
situation. They should realize that their
constant association with a people steeped
in a different civilization from their own
has no small part to play in the development
of their own particular genius and spirit.
Little by little they can absorb into their
very being those virtues which characterize
the other nation. But for this to happen
these minority groups must enter into some
kind of association with the people in whose
midst they are living, and learn to share
their customs and way of life. It will never
happen if they sow seeds of disaffection
which can only produce a harvest of evils,
stifling the political development of
nations.
Active Solidarity
98. Since
relationships between States must be
regulated in accordance with the principles
of truth and justice, States must further
these relationships by taking positive steps
to pool their material and spiritual
resources. In many cases this can be
achieved by all kinds of mutual
collaboration; and this is already happening
in our own day in the economic, social,
political, educational, health and athletic
spheres—and with beneficial results. We must
bear in mind that of its very nature civil
authority exists, not to confine men within
the frontiers of their own nations, but
primarily to protect the common good of the
State, which certainly cannot be divorced
from the common good of the entire human
family
99. Thus, in
pursuing their own interests, civil
societies, far from causing injury to
others, must join plans and forces whenever
the efforts of particular States cannot
achieve the desired goal. But in doing so
great care must be taken. What is beneficial
to some States may prove detrimental rather
than advantageous to others.
Contacts Between Races
100. Furthermore,
the universal common good requires the
encouragement in all nations of every kind
of reciprocation between citizens and their
intermediate societies. There are many parts
of the world where we find groupings of
people of more or less different ethnic
origin. Nothing must be allowed to prevent
reciprocal relations between them. Indeed
such a prohibition would flout the very
spirit of an age which has done so much to
nullify the distances separating peoples.
Nor must one
overlook the fact that whatever their ethnic
background, men possess, besides the special
characteristics which distinguish them from
other men, other very important elements in
common with the rest of mankind. And these
can form the basis of their progressive
development and self-realization especially
in regard to spiritual values. They have,
therefore, the right and duty to carry on
their lives with others in society.
The Proper Balance Between Population, Land
and Capital
101. As everyone is
well aware, there are some countries where
there is an imbalance between the amount of
arable land and the number of inhabitants;
others where there is an imbalance between
the richness of the resources and the
instruments of agriculture available. It is
imperative, therefore, that nations enter
into collaboration with each other, and
facilitate the circulation of goods, capital
and manpower. (58)
102. We advocate in
such cases the policy of bringing the work
to the workers, wherever possible, rather
than bringing workers to the scene of the
work. In this way many people will be
afforded an opportunity of increasing their
resources without being exposed to the
painful necessity of uprooting themselves
from their own homes, settling in a strange
environment, and forming new social
contacts.
The Problem of Political Refugees
103. The deep
feelings of paternal love for all mankind
which God has implanted in Our heart makes
it impossible for Us to view without bitter
anguish of spirit the plight of those who
for political reasons have been exiled from
their own homelands. There are great numbers
of such refugees at the present time, and
many are the sufferings—the incredible
sufferings—to which they are constantly
exposed.
104. Here surely is
our proof that, in defining the scope of a
just freedom within which individual
citizens may live lives worthy of their
human dignity, the rulers of some nations
have been far too restrictive. Sometimes in
States of this kind the very right to
freedom is called in question, and even
flatly denied. We have here a complete
reversal of the right order of society, for
the whole raison d'etre of public authority
is to safeguard the interests of the
community. Its sovereign duty is to
recognize the noble realm of freedom and
protect its rights.
The Refugee's Rights
105. For this
reason, it is not irrelevant to draw the
attention of the world to the fact that
these refugees are persons and all their
rights as persons must be recognized.
Refugees cannot lose these rights simply
because they are deprived of citizenship of
their own States.
106. And among
man's personal rights we must include his
right to enter a country in which he hopes
to be able to provide more fittingly for
himself and his dependents. It is therefore
the duty of State officials to accept such
immigrants and—so far as the good of their
own community, rightly understood,
permits—to further the aims of those who may
wish to become members of a new society.
Commendable Efforts
107. We therefore
take this opportunity of giving Our public
approval and commendation to every
undertaking, founded on the principles of
human solidarity or of Christian charity,
which aims at relieving the distress of
those who are compelled to emigrate from
their own country to another.
108. And We must
indeed single out for the praise of all
right-minded men those international
agencies which devote all their energies to
this most important work.
Causes of the Arms Race
109. On the other
hand, We are deeply distressed to see the
enormous stocks of armaments that have been,
and continue to be, manufactured in the
economically more developed countries. This
policy is involving a vast outlay of
intellectual and material resources, with
the result that the people of these
countries are saddled with a great burden,
while other countries lack the help they
need for their economic and social
development .
110. There is a
common belief that under modern conditions
peace cannot be assured except on the basis
of an equal balance of armaments and that
this factor is the probable cause of this
stockpiling of armaments. Thus, if one
country increases its military strength,
others are immediately roused by a
competitive spirit to augment their own
supply of armaments. And if one country is
equipped with atomic weapons, others
consider themselves justified in producing
such weapons themselves, equal in
destructive force.
111. Consequently
people are living in the grip of constant
fear. They are afraid that at any moment the
impending storm may break upon them with
horrific violence. And they have good
reasons for their fear, for there is
certainly no lack of such weapons. While it
is difficult to believe that anyone would
dare to assume responsibility for initiating
the appalling slaughter and destruction that
war would bring in its wake, there is no
denying that the conflagration could be
started by some chance and unforeseen
circumstance. Moreover, even though the
monstrous power of modern weapons does
indeed act as a deterrent, there is reason
to fear that the very testing of nuclear
devices for war purposes can, if continued,
lead to serious danger for various forms of
life on earth.
Need for Disarmament
112. Hence justice,
right reason, and the recognition of man's
dignity cry out insistently for a cessation
to the arms race. The stock-piles of
armaments which have been built up in
various countries must be reduced all round
and simultaneously by the parties concerned.
Nuclear weapons must be banned. A general
agreement must be reached on a suitable
disarmament program, with an effective
system of mutual control. In the words of
Pope Pius XII: "The calamity of a world war,
with the economic and social ruin and the
moral excesses and dissolution that
accompany it, must not on any account be
permitted to engulf the human race for a
third time.'' (59)
113. Everyone,
however, must realize that, unless this
process of disarmament be thoroughgoing and
complete, and reach men's very souls, it is
impossible to stop the arms race, or to
reduce armaments, or—and this is the main
thing—ultimately to abolish them entirely.
Everyone must sincerely co-operate in the
effort to banish fear and the anxious
expectation of war from men's minds. But
this requires that the fundamental
principles upon which peace is based in
today's world be replaced by an altogether
different one, namely, the realization that
true and lasting peace among nations cannot
consist in the possession of an equal supply
of armaments but only in mutual trust. And
We are confident that this can be achieved,
for it is a thing which not only is dictated
by common sense, but is in itself most
desirable and most fruitful of good.
Three Motives
114. Here, then, we
have an objective dictated first of all by
reason. There is general agreement—or at
least there should be—that relations between
States, as between individuals, must be
regulated not by armed force, but in
accordance with the principles of right
reason: the principles, that is, of truth,
justice and vigorous and sincere
co-operation.
115. Secondly, it
is an objective which We maintain is more
earnestly to be desired. For who is there
who does not feel the craving to be rid of
the threat of war, and to see peace
preserved and made daily more secure?
116. And finally it
is an objective which is rich with
possibilities for good. Its advantages will
be felt everywhere, by individuals, by
families, by nations, by the whole human
race. The warning of Pope Pius XII still
rings in our ears: "Nothing is lost by
peace; everything may be lost by war." (60)
A
Call to Unsparing Effort
117. We therefore
consider it Our duty as the vicar on earth
of Jesus Christ—the Saviour of the world,
the Author of peace—and as interpreter of
the most ardent wishes of the whole human
family, in the fatherly love We bear all
mankind, to beg and beseech mankind, and
above all the rulers of States, to be
unsparing of their labor and efforts to
ensure that human affairs follow a rational
and dignified course.
118. In their
deliberations together, let men of
outstanding wisdom and influence give
serious thought to the problem of achieving
a more human adjustment of relations between
States throughout the world. It must be an
adjustment that is based on mutual trust,
sincerity in negotiation, and the faithful
fulfilment of obligations assumed. Every
aspect of the problem must be examined, so
that eventually there may emerge some point
of agreement from which to initiate treaties
which are sincere, lasting, and beneficial
in their effects.
119. We, for Our
part, will pray unceasingly that God may
bless these labors by His divine assistance,
and make them fruitful.
In Liberty
120. Furthermore,
relations between States must be regulated
by the principle of freedom. This means that
no country has the right to take any action
that would constitute an unjust oppression
of other countries, or an unwarranted
interference in their affairs. On the
contrary, all should help to develop in
others an increasing awareness of their
duties, an adventurous and enterprising
spirit, and the resolution to take the
initiative for their own advancement in
every field of endeavor.
The Evolution of Economically
Under-developed Countries
121. All men are
united by their common origin and
fellowship, their redemption by Christ, and
their supernatural destiny. They are called
to form one Christian family. In Our
encyclical Mater et Magistra, therefore, We
appealed to the more wealthy nations to
render every kind of assistance to those
States which are still in the process of
economic development. (6l)
122. It is no small
consolation to Us to be able to testify here
to the wide acceptance of Our appeal, and We
are confident that in the years that lie
ahead it will be accepted even more widely.
The result We look for is that the poorer
States shall in as short a time as possible
attain to a degree of economic development
that enables their citizens to live in
conditions more in keeping with their human
dignity.
123. Again and
again We must insist on the need for helping
these peoples in a way which guarantees to
them the preservation of their own freedom.
They must be conscious that they are
themselves playing the major role in their
economic and social development; that they
are themselves to shoulder the main burden
of it.
124. Hence the
wisdom of Pope Pius XII's teaching: "A new
order founded on moral principles is the
surest bulwark against the violation of the
freedom, integrity and security of other
nations, no matter what may be their
territorial extension or their capacity for
defense. For although it is almost
inevitable that the larger States, in view
of their greater power and vaster resources,
will themselves decide on the norms
governing their economic associations with
small States, nevertheless these smaller
States cannot be denied their right, in
keeping with the common good, to political
freedom, and to the adoption of a position
of neutrality in the conflicts between
nations. No State can be denied this right,
for it is a postulate of the natural law
itself, as also of international law. These
smaller States have also the right of
assuring their own economic development. It
is only with the effective guaranteeing of
these rights that smaller nations can
fittingly promote the common good of all
mankind, as well as the material welfare and
the cultural and spiritual progress of their
own people". (62)
125. The wealthier
States, therefore, while providing various
forms of assistance to the poorer, must have
the highest possible respect for the
latter's national characteristics and
timehonored civil institutions. They must
also repudiate any policy of domination. If
this can be achieved, then "a precious
contribution will have been made to the
formation of a world community, in which
each individual nation, conscious of its
rights and duties, can work on terms of
equality with the rest for the attainment of
universal prosperity." (63)
Signs of the Times
126. Men nowadays
are becoming more and more convinced that
any disputes which may arise between nations
must be resolved by negotiation and
agreement, and not by recourse to arms.
127. We acknowledge
that this conviction owes its origin chiefly
to the terrifying destructive force of
modern weapons. It arises from fear of the
ghastly and catastrophic consequences of
their use. Thus, in this age which boasts of
its atomic power, it no longer makes sense
to maintain that war is a fit instrument
with which to repair the violation of
justice.
128. And yet,
unhappily, we often find the law of fear
reigning supreme among nations and causing
them to spend enormous sums on armaments.
Their object is not aggression, so they
say—and there is no reason for disbelieving
them—but to deter others from aggression.
129. Nevertheless,
We are hopeful that, by establishing contact
with one another and by a policy of
negotiation, nations will come to a better
recognition of the natural ties that bind
them together as men. We are hopeful, too,
that they will come to a fairer realization
of one of the cardinal duties deriving from
our common nature: namely, that love, not
fear, must dominate the relationships
between individuals and between nations. It
is principally characteristic of love that
it draws men together in all sorts of ways,
sincerely united in the bonds of mind and
matter; and this is a union from which
countless blessings can flow.
IV.
RELATIONSHIP OF MEN AND OF POLITICAL
COMMUNITIES WITH THE WORLD COMMUNITY
130. Recent
progress in science and technology has had a
profound influence on man's way of life.
This progress is a spur to men all over the
world to extend their collaboration and
association with one another in these days
when material resources, travel from one
country to another, and technical
information have so vastly increased. This
has led to a phenomenal growth in
relationships between individuals, families
and intermediate associations belonging to
the various nations, and between the public
authorities of the various political
communities. There is also a growing
economic interdependence between States.
National economies are gradually becoming so
interdependent that a kind of world economy
is being born from the simultaneous
integration of the economies of individual
States. And finally, each country's social
progress, order, security and peace are
necessarily linked with the social progress,
order, security and peace of every other
country.
131. From this it
is clear that no State can fittingly pursue
its own interests in isolation from the
rest, nor, under such circumstances, can it
develop itself as it should. The prosperity
and progress of any State is in part
consequence, and in part cause, of the
prosperity and progress of all other States.
Inadequacy of Modern States to Ensure
Universal Common Good the
132. No era will
ever succeed in destroying the unity of the
human family, for it consists of men who are
all equal by virtue of their natural
dignity. Hence there will always be an
imperative need—born of man's very nature—to
promote in sufficient measure the universal
common good; the good, that is, of the whole
human family.
133. In the past
rulers of States seem to have been able to
make sufficient provision for the universal
common good through the normal diplomatic
channels, or by top-level meetings and
discussions, treaties and agreements; by
using, that is, the ways and means suggested
by the natural law, the law of nations, or
international law.
134. In our own
day, however, mutual relationships between
States have undergone a far reaching change.
On the one hand, the universal common good
gives rise to problems of the utmost
gravity, complexity and urgency—especially
as regards the preservation of the security
and peace of the whole world. On the other
hand, the rulers of individual nations,
being all on an equal footing, largely fail
in their efforts to achieve this, however
much they multiply their meetings and their
endeavors to discover more fitting
instruments of justice. And this is no
reflection on their sincerity and
enterprise. It is merely that their
authority is not sufficiently influential.
135. We are thus
driven to the conclusion that the shape and
structure of political life in the modern
world, and the influence exercised by public
authority in all the nations of the world
are unequal to the task of promoting the
common good of all peoples.
Connection Between the Common Good and
Political Authority
136. Now, if one
considers carefully the inner significance
of the common good on the one hand, and the
nature and function of public authority on
the other, one cannot fail to see that there
is an intrinsic connection between them.
Public authority, as the means of promoting
the common good in civil society, is a
postulate of the moral order. But the moral
order likewise requires that this authority
be effective in attaining its end. Hence the
civil institutions in which such authority
resides, becomes operative and promotes its
ends, are endowed with a certain kind of
structure and efficacy: a structure and
efficacy which make such institutions
capable of realizing the common good by ways
and means adequate to the changing
historical conditions.
137. Today the
universal common good presents us with
problems which are world-wide in their
dimensions; problems, therefore, which
cannot be solved except by a public
authority with power, organization and means
co-extensive with these problems, and with a
world-wide sphere of activity. Consequently
the moral order itself demands the
establishment of some such general form of
public authority.
Public Authority Instituted by Common
Consent and Not Imposed by Force
138. But this
general authority equipped with world-wide
power and adequate means for achieving the
universal common good cannot be imposed by
force. It must be set up with the consent of
all nations. If its work is to be effective,
it must operate with fairness, absolute
impartiality, and with dedication to the
common good of all peoples. The forcible
imposition by the more powerful nations of a
universal authority of this kind would
inevitably arouse fears of its being used as
an instrument to serve the interests of the
few or to take the side of a single nation,
and thus the influence and effectiveness of
its activity would be undermined. For even
though nations may differ widely in material
progress and military strength, they are
very sensitive as regards their juridical
equality and the excellence of their own way
of life. They are right, therefore, in their
reluctance to submit to an authority imposed
by force, established without their
co-operation, or not accepted of their own
accord.
The Universal Common Good and Personal
Rights
139. The common
good of individual States is something that
cannot be determined without reference to
the human person, and the same is true of
the common good of all States taken
together. Hence the public authority of the
world community must likewise have as its
special aim the recognition, respect,
safeguarding and promotion of the rights of
the human person. This can be done by direct
action, if need be, or by the creation
throughout the world of the sort of
conditions in which rulers of individual
States can more easily carry out their
specific functions.
The Principle of Subsidiarity
140. The same
principle of subsidiarity which governs the
relations between public authorities and
individuals, families and intermediate
societies in a single State, must also apply
to the relations between the public
authority of the world community and the
public authorities of each political
community. The special function of this
universal authority must be to evaluate and
find a solution to economic, social,
political and cultural problems which affect
the universal common good. These are
problems which, because of their extreme
gravity, vastness and urgency, must be
considered too difficult for the rulers of
individual States to solve with any degree
of success.
141. But it is no
part of the duty of universal authority to
limit the sphere of action of the public
authority of individual States, or to
arrogate any of their functions to itself.
On the contrary, its essential purpose is to
create world conditions in which the public
authorities of each nation, its citizens and
intermediate groups, can carry out their
tasks, fullfill their duties and claim their
rights with greater security. (64)
Modern Developments
142. The United
Nations Organization (U.N.) was established,
as is well known, on June 26, 1945. To it
were subsequently added lesser organizations
consisting of members nominated by the
public authority of the various nations and
entrusted with highly important
international functions in the economics,
social, cultural, educational and health
fields. The United Nations Organization has
the special aim of maintaining and
strengthening peace between nations, and of
encouraging and assisting friendly relations
between them, based on the principles of
equality, mutual respect, and extensive
cooperation in every field of human
endeavor.
143. A clear proof
of the farsightedness of this organization
is provided by the Universal Declaration of
Human Rights passed by the United Nations
General Assembly on December 10, 1948. The
preamble of this declaration affirms that
the genuine recognition and complete
observance of all the rights and freedoms
outlined in the declaration is a goal to be
sought by all peoples and all nations.
144. We are, of
course, aware that some of the points in the
declaration did not meet with unqualified
approval in some quarters; and there was
justification for this. Nevertheless, We
think the document should be considered a
step in the right direction, an approach
toward the establishment of a juridical and
political ordering of the world community.
It is a solemn recognition of the personal
dignity of every human being; an assertion
of everyone's right to be free to seek out
the truth, to follow moral principles,
discharge the duties imposed by justice, and
lead a fully human life. It also recognized
other rights connected with these.
145. It is
therefore Our earnest wish that the United
Nations Organization may be able
progressively to adapt its structure and
methods of operation to the magnitude and
nobility of its tasks. May the day be not
long delayed when every human being can find
in this organization an effective safeguard
of his personal rights; those rights, that
is, which derive directly from his dignity
as a human person, and which are therefore
universal, inviolable and inalienable. This
is all the more desirable in that men today
are taking an ever more active part in the
public life of their own nations, and in
doing so they are showing an increased
interest in the affairs of all peoples. They
are becoming more and more conscious of
being living members of the universal family
of mankind.
V.
PASTORAL EXHORTATIONS
146. Here once more
We exhort Our sons to take an active part in
public life, and to work together for the
benefit of the whole human race, as well as
for their own political communities. It is
vitally necessary for them to endeavor, in
the light of Christian faith, and with love
as their guide, to ensure that every
institution, whether economic, social,
cultural or political, be such as not to
obstruct but rather to facilitate man's self
betterment, both in the natural and in the
supernatural order.
Scientific Competence, Technical Capacity
and Professional Experience
147. And yet, if
they are to imbue civilization with right
ideals and Christian principles, it is not
enough for Our sons to be illumined by the
heavenly light of faith and to be fired with
enthusiasm for a cause; they must involve
themselves in the work of these
institutions, and strive to influence them
effectively from within.
148. But in a
culture and civilization like our own, which
is so remarkable for its scientific
knowledge and its technical discoveries,
clearly no one can insinuate himself into
public life unless he be scientifically
competent, technically capable, and skilled
in the practice of his own profession .
Apostolate of a Trained Laity
149. And yet even
this must be reckoned insufficient to bring
the relationships of daily life into
conformity with a more human standard,
based, as it must be, on truth, tempered by
justice, motivated by mutual love, and
holding fast to the practice of freedom.
150. If these
policies are really to become operative, men
must first of all take the utmost care to
conduct their various temporal activities in
accordance with the laws which govern each
and every such activity, observing the
principles which correspond to their
respective natures. Secondly, men's actions
must be made to conform with the precepts of
the moral order. This means that their
behavior must be such as to reflect their
consciousness of exercising a personal right
or performing a personal duty. Reason has a
further demand to make. In obedience to the
providential designs and commands of God
respecting our salvation and neglecting the
dictates of conscience, men must conduct
themselves in their temporal activity in
such a way as to effect a thorough
integration of the principal spiritual
values with those of science, technology and
the professions.
Integration of Faith and Action
151. In
traditionally Christian States at the
present time, civil institutions evince a
high degree of scientific and technical
progress and possess abundant machinery for
the attainment of every kind of objective.
And yet it must be owned that these
institutions are often but slightly affected
by Christian motives and a Christian spirit.
152. One may well
ask the reason for this, since the men who
have largely contributed—and who are still
contributing—to the creation of these
institutions are men who are professed
Christians, and who live their lives, at
least in part, in accordance with the
precepts of the gospels. In Our opinion the
explanation lies in a certain cleavage
between faith and practice. Their inner,
spiritual unity must be restored, so that
faith may be the light and love the
motivating force of all their actions.
Integral Education
153. We consider
too that a further reason for this very
frequent divorce between faith and practice
in Christians is an inadequate education in
Christian teaching and Christian morality.
In many places the amount of energy devoted
to the study of secular subjects is all too
often out of pro portion to that devoted to
the study of religion. Scientific training
reaches a very high level, whereas religious
training generally does not advance beyond
the elementary stage. It is essential,
therefore, that the instruction given to our
young people be complete and continuous, and
imparted in such a way that moral goodness
and the cultivation of religious values may
keep pace with scientific knowledge and
continually advancing technical progress.
Young people must also be taught how to
carry out their own particular obligations
in a truly fitting manner. (65)
Constant Endeavor
154. In this
connection We think it opportune to point
out how difficult it is to understand
clearly the relation between the objective
requirements of justice and concrete
situations; to define, that is, correctly to
what degree and in what form doctrinal
principles and directives must be applied in
the given state of human society.
155. The definition
of these degrees and forms is all the more
difficult in an age such as ours, driven
forward by a fever of activity. And yet this
is the age in which each one of us is
required to make his own contribution to the
universal common good. Daily is borne in on
us the need to make the reality of social
life conform better to the requirements of
justice. Hence Our sons have every reason
for not thinking that they can relax their
efforts and be satisfied with what they have
already achieved.
156. What has so
far been achieved is insufficient compared
with what needs to be done; all men must
realize that. Every day provides a more
important, a more fitting enterprise to
which they must turn their hands—industry,
trade unions, professional organizations,
insurance, cultrual institutions, the law,
politics, medical and recreational
facilities, and other such activities. The
age in which we live needs all these things.
It is an age in which men, having discovered
the atom and achieved the breakthrough into
outer space, are now exploring other
avenues, leading to almost limitless
horizons.
Relations Between Catholics and
Non-Catholics in Social and Economic Affairs
157. The principles
We have set out in this document take their
rise from the very nature of things. They
derive, for the most part, from the
consideration of man's natural rights. Thus
the putting of these principles into effect
frequently involves extensive co-operation
between Catholics and those Christians who
are separated from this Apostolic See. It
even involves the cooperation of Catholics
with men who may not be Christians but who
nevertheless are reasonable men, and men of
natural moral integrity. "In such
circumstances they must, of course, bear
themselves as Catholics, and do nothing to
compromise religion and morality. Yet at the
same time they should show themselves
animated by a spirit of understanding and
unselfishness, ready to co-operate loyally
in achieving objects which are good in
themselves, or conducive to good." (66)
Error and the Errant
158. It is always
perfectly justifiable to distinguish between
error as such and the person who falls into
error—even in the case of men who err
regarding the truth or are led astray as a
result of their inadequate knowledge, in
matters either of religion or of the highest
ethical standards. A man who has fallen into
error does not cease to be a man. He never
forfeits his personal dignity; and that is
something that must always be taken into
account. Besides, there exists in man's very
nature an undying capacity to break through
the barriers of error and seek the road to
truth. God, in His great providence, is ever
present with His aid. Today, maybe, a man
lacks faith and turns aside into error;
tomorrow, perhaps, illumined by God's light,
he may indeed embrace the truth.
Catholics who, in
order to achieve some external good,
collaborate with unbelievers or with those
who through error lack the fullness of faith
in Christ, may possibly provide the occasion
or even the incentive for their conversion
to the truth.
Philosophies and Historical Movements
l59. Again it is
perfectly legitimate to make a clear
distinction between a false philosophy of
the nature, origin and purpose of men and
the world, and economic, social, cultural,
and political undertakings, even when such
undertakings draw their origin and
inspiration from that philosophy. True, the
philosophic formula does not change once it
has been set down in precise terms, but the
undertakings clearly cannot avoid being
influenced to a certain extent by the
changing conditions in which they have to
operate. Besides, who can deny the possible
existence of good and commendable elements
in these undertakings, elements which do
indeed conform to the dictates of right
reason, and are an expression of man's
lawful aspirations?
160. It may
sometimes happen, therefore, that meetings
arranged for some practical end—though
hitherto they were thought to be altogether
useless—may in fact be fruitful at the
present time, or at least offer prospects of
success. But whether or not the moment for
such cooperation has arrived, and the manner
and degree of such co-operation in the
attainment of economic, social, cultural and
political advantages—these are matters for
prudence to decide; prudence, the queen of
all the virtues which rule the lives of men
both as individuals and in society.
As far as Catholics
are concerned, the decision rests primarily
with those who take a leading part in the
life of the community, and in these specific
fields. They must, however, act in
accordance with the principles of the
natural law, and observe the Church's social
teaching and the directives of
ecclesiastical authority. For it must not be
forgotten that the Church has the right and
duty not only to safeguard her teaching on
faith and morals, but also to exercise her
authority over her sons by intervening in
their external affairs whenever a judgment
has to be made concerning the practical
application of this teaching. (67)
Little by Little
161. There are
indeed some people who, in their generosity
of spirit, burn with a desire to institute
wholesale reforms whenever they come across
situations which show scant regard for
justice or are wholly out of keeping with
its claims. They tackle the problem with
such impetuosity that one would think they
were embarking on some political revolution.
162. We would
remind such people that it is the law of
nature that all things must be of gradual
growth. If there is to be any improvement in
human institutions, the work must be done
slowly and deliberately from within. Pope
Pius XII expressed it in these terms:
"Salvation and justice consist not in the
uprooting of an outdated system, but in a
well designed policy of development.
Hotheadedness was never constructive; it has
always destroyed everything. It has inflamed
passions, but never assuaged them. It sows
no seeds but those of hatred and
destruction. Far from bringing about the
reconciliation of contending parties, it
reduces men and political parties to the
necessity of laboriously redoing the work of
the past, building on the ruins that
disharmony has left in its wake."68
An Immense Task
163. Hence among
the very serious obligations incumbent upon
men of high principles, We must include the
task of establishing new relationships in
human society, under the mastery and
guidance of truth, justice, charity and
freedom—relations between individual
citizens, between citizens and their
respective States, between States, and
finally between individuals, families,
intermediate associations and States on the
one hand, and the world community on the
other. There is surely no one who will not
consider this a most exalted task, for it is
one which is able to bring about true peace
in accordance with divinely established
order.
164. Considering
the need, the men who are shouldering this
responsibility are far too few in number,
yet they are deserving of the highest
recognition from society, and We rightfully
honor them with Our public praise. We call
upon them to persevere in their ideals,
which are of such tremendous benefit to
mankind. At the same time We are encouraged
to hope that many more men, Christians
especially, will join their cause, spurred
on by love and the realization of their
duty. Everyone who has joined the ranks of
Christ must be a glowing point of light in
the world, a nucleus of love, a leaven of
the whole mass. He will be so in proportion
to his degree of spiritual union with God.
165. The world will
never be the dwellingplace of peace, till
peace has found a home in the heart of each
and every man, till every man preserves in
himself the order ordained by God to be
preserved. That is why St. Augustine asks
the question: "Does your mind desire the
strength to gain the mastery over your
passions? Let it submit to a greater power,
and it will conquer all beneath it. And
peace will be in you—true, sure, most
ordered peace. What is that order? God as
ruler of the mind; the mind as ruler of the
body. Nothing could be more orderly." (69)
The Prince of Peace
166. Our concern
here has been with problems which are
causing men extreme anxiety at the present
time; problems which are intimately bound up
with the progress of human society.
Unquestionably, the teaching We have given
has been inspired by a longing which We feel
most keenly, and which We know is shared by
all men of good will: that peace may be
assured on earth.
167. We who, in
spite of Our inadequacy, are nevertheless
the vicar of Him whom the prophet announced
as the Prince of Peace, (70) conceive of it
as Our duty to devote all Our thoughts and
care and energy to further this common good
of all mankind. Yet peace is but an empty
word, if it does not rest upon that order
which Our hope prevailed upon Us to set
forth in outline in this encyclical. It is
an order that is founded on truth, built up
on justice, nurtured and animated by
charity, and brought into effect under the
auspices of freedom.
168. So
magnificent, so exalted is this aim that
human resources alone, even though inspired
by the most praiseworthy good will, cannot
hope to achieve it. God Himself must come to
man's aid with His heavenly assistance, if
human society is to bear the closest
possible resemblance to the kingdom of God.
169. The very order
of things therefore, demands that during
this sacred season we pray earnestly to Him
who by His bitter passion and death washed
away men's sins, which are the fountainhead
of discord, misery and inequality; to Him
who shed His blood to reconcile the human
race to the heavenly Father, and bestowed
the gifts of peace. "For He is our peace,
who hath made both one . . . And coming, He
preached peace to you that were afar off;
and peace to them that were nigh.'' (71)
170. The sacred
liturgy of these days reechoes the same
message: "Our Lord Jesus Christ, after His
resurrection stood in the midst of His
disciples and said: Peace be upon you,
alleluia. The disciples rejoiced when they
saw the Lord." (72) It is Christ, therefore,
who brought us peace; Christ who bequeathed
it to us: "Peace I leave with you: my peace
I give unto you: not as the world giveth, do
I give unto you." (73)
171. Let us, then,
pray with all fervor for this peace which
our divine Redeemer came to bring us. May He
banish from the souls of men whatever might
endanger peace. May He transform all men
into witnesses of truth, justice and
brotherly love. May He illumine with His
light the minds of rulers, so that, besides
caring for the proper material welfare of
their peoples, they may also guarantee them
the fairest gift of peace.
Finally, may Christ
inflame the desires of all men to break
through the barriers which divide them, to
strengthen the bonds of mutual love, to
learn to understand one another, and to
pardon those who have done them wrong.
Through His power and inspiration may all
peoples welcome each other to their hearts
as brothers, and may the peace they long for
ever flower and ever reign among them.
172. And so, dear
brothers, with the ardent wish that peace
may come upon the flocks committed to your
care, for the special benefit of those who
are most lowly and in the greatest need of
help and defense, lovingly in the Lord We
bestow on you, on Our priests both secular
and regular, on religious both men and
women, on all the faithful and especially
those who give wholehearted obedience to
these Our exhortations, Our Apostolic
Blessing. And upon all men of good will, to
whom We also address this encyclical, We
implore from God health and prosperity.
Given at Rome,
at St. Peter's, on Holy Thursday, the
eleventh day of April, in the year 1963, the
fifth of Our Pontificate.
JOHN XXIII
NOTES
LATIN TEXT: Acta
Apostolicae Sedis, 55 (1963), 257-304.
ENGLISH TRANSLATION: The Pope Speaks,
9 (1963), 13-48.
REFERENCES:
(1)
Ps. 8:1.
(2)
Ps. 103:24.
(2a)
In the Latin text this paragraph is part of
the preceding one, hence we have not
assigned it a number. For format reasons we
have broken paragraphs down in a few places
but have kept our numbering system keyed to
the Latin paragraphs.—Ed. of TPS
(3)
Cf. Gen. 1:26.
(4)
Ps. 8:5-6.
(5)
Rom. 2:15.
(6)
Cf. Ps. 18:8-11.
(7)
Cf. Pius XII's broadcast message, Christmas
1942, AAS 35 (1943) 9-24; and John XXIII's
sermon, Jan. 4, 1963, AAS 55 (1963) 89-91.
(8)
Cf. Pius XI's encyclical letter Divini
Redemptoris, AAS 29 (1931) 78; and Pius
XII's broadcast message, Pentecost, June 1,
1941, AAS 33 (1941) 195-205.
(9)
Cf. Pius XII's broadcast message, Christmas
1942, AAS 35 (1943) 9-24.
(10)
Divinae Institutiones, lib. IV,
c.28.2; PL 6.535.
(11)
Encyclical letter "Libertas
praestantissimum," Acta Leonis XIII,
VIII, 1888, pp. 237-238.
(12)
Cf. Pius XII's broadcast message, Christmas
1942, AAS 35 (1943) 9-24.
(13)
Cf. Pius XI's encyclical letter Casti
connubii, AAS 22 (1930) 539-592, and
Pius XII's broadcast message, Christmas
1942, AAS 35 (1943) 9-24.
(14)
Cf. Pius XII's broadcast message, Pentecost,
June 1 ,1941, AAS 33 (1941) 201.
(15)
Cf. Leo XIII's encyclical letter Rerum
novarum, Acta Leonis XIII, XI,
1891, pp. 128-129.
(16)
Cf John XXIII's encyclical letter Mater
et Magistra, AAS 53 (1961) 422.
(17)
Cf. Pius XII's broadcast message, Pentecost,
June 1, 1941, AAS 33 (1941) 201.
(18)
John XXIII's encyclical letter Mater et
Magistra, AAS 53 (1961) 428.
(19)
Cf. ibid., p. 430; TPS v. 7, no. 4,
p. 318.
(20)
Cf. Leo XIII's encyclical letter Rerum
novarum, Acta Leonis XIII, XI, 1891,
pp. 134-142; Pius XI's encyclical letter
Quadregesimo anno, AAS 23 (1931)
199-200; and Pius XII's encyclical letter
Sertum laetitiae, AAS 31 (1939) 635-644.
(21)
Cf. AAS 53 (1961) 430.
(22)
Cf. Pius XII's broadcast message, Christmas
1952, AAS 45 (1953) 36-46.
(23)
Cf. Pius XII's broadcast message, Christmas
1944, AAS 37 (1945) 12.
(24)
Cf. Pius XII's broadcast message, Christmas
1942, AAS 35 (1943) 21.
(25)
Eph. 4:25.
(26)
Cf. Pius XII's broadcast message, Christmas
1942, AAS 35 (1943) 14.
(27)
Summa Theol. Ia-IIae, q. 19, a.4; cf.
a.9.
(28)
Rom . 13: 1-6.
(29)
In Epist. ad Rom. c. 13, vv. 1-2,
homil. XXIII; PG 60. 615.
(30)
Leo XIII's encyclical epistle Immortale
Dei, Acta Leonis XIII, V, 1885,
p. 120.
(31)
Cf. Pius XII's broadcast message, Christmas
1944, AAS 37 (1945) 15.
(32)
Cf. Leo XIII's encyclical epistle Diutumum
illud, Acta Leonis XIII, 11, 1881, p.
274.
(33)
Cf. ibid., p. 278; also Leo XIII's
encyclical epistle Immortale Dei,
Acta Leonis XIII, V, 1885, p. 130.
(34)
Acts 5:29.
(35)
Summa Theol. Ia-IIae, q. 93., a.3 ad
2um; cf. Pius XII's broadcast message,
Christmas 1945, AAS 37 (1945) 5-23.
(36)
Cf. Leo XIII's encyclical epistle
Diuturnum illud, Acta Leonis XIII,
II, 1881, pp. 271-273; and Pius XII's
broadcast message, Christmas 1944, AAS 37
(1945) 5-23.
(37)
Cf. Pius XII's broadcast message, Christmas
1942, AAS 35 (1943) 13, and Leo XIII's
encyclical epistle Immortale Dei,
Acta Leonis XIII, V, 1885, p. 120.
(38)
Cf. Pius XII's encyclical letter Summi
Pontificatus, AAS 31 (1939) 412-453.
(39)
Cf. Pius XI's encyclical Mit brennender
Sorge, AAS 29 (1937) 159, and his
encyclical letter Divini Redemptoris,
AAS 29 (1937) 65-106.
(40)
Leo XIII's encyclical letter Immortale
Dei." Acta Leonis XIII, V,
1885, p. 121.
(41)
Cf. Leo XIII's encyclical letter Rerum
novarum, Acta Leonis XIII, XI,
1891, pp. 133-134.
(42)
Cf. Pius XII's encyclical letter Summi
Pontificatus, AAS 31 (1939) 433.
(43)
AAS 53 (1961) 417.
(44)
Cf. Pius XI's encyclical letter
Quadragesimo anno, AAS 23 (1931) 215.
(45)
Cf. Pius XII's broadcast message, Pentecost,
June 1, 1941, AAS 33 (1941) 200.
(46)
Cf. Pius XI's encyclical letter Mit
brennender Sorge, AAS 29 (1937) 159, and
his encyclical Divini Redemptoris,
AAS 29 (1937) 79; and Pius XII's broadcast
message, Christmas 1942, AAS 35 (1943) 9-24.
(47)
Cf. Pius XI's encyclical letter Divini
Redemptoris, AAS 29 (1937) 81, and Pius
XII's broadcast message, Christmas 1942, AAS
35 (1943) 9-24.
(48)
John XXIII's encyclical letter Mater et
Magistra, AAS 53 (1961) 415.
(49)
Cf. Pius XII's broadcast message, Christmas
1942, AAS 35 (1943) 21.
(50)
Cf. Pius XII's broadcast message, Christmas
1944, AAS 37 (1945) 15-16.
(51)
Cf. Pius XII's broadcast message, Christmas
1942, AAS 35 (1943) 12.
(52)
Cf. Leo XIII's apostolic letter Annum
ingressi, Acta Leonis XIII, XXII,
1902-1903, pp. 52-80.
(53)
Wisd. 6:2-4.
(54)
Cf. Pius XII's broadcast message, Christmas
1941, AAS 34 (1942) 16.
(55)
Cf. Pius XII's broadcast message, Christmas
1940, AAS 33 (1941) 5-14.
(56)
De civitate Dei, lib. IV, c. 4; PL
41. 115; cf. Pius XII's broadcast message,
Christmas 1939, AAS 32 (1940) 5-13.
(57)
Cf. Pius XII's broadcast message, Christmas
1941, AAS 34 (1942) 10-21.
(58)
Cf. John XIII's encyclical letter Mater
et Magistra, AAS 53 (1961) 439.
(59)
Cf. Pius XII's broadcast message, Christmas
1941, AAS 34 (1942) 17, and Benedict XV's
exhortation to the rulers of the belligerent
powers, August 1, 1917, AAS 9 (1917) 418.
(60)
Cf. Pius XII's broadcast message, August 24,
1939, AAS 31 (1939) 334.
(61)
AAS 53 (1961) 440-441.
(62)
Cf. Pius XII's broadcast message, Christmas
1941, AAS 34 (1942) 16-17.
(63)
John XXIII's encyclical letter Mater et
Magistra, AAS 53 (1961) 443.
(64)
Cf. Pius XII's address to Young Members of
Italian Catholic Action, Rome, Sept. 12,
1948, AAS 40 (1948) 412.
(65)
Cf. John XXIII's encyclical letter Mater
et Magistra, AAS 53 (1961) 454.
(66)
Ibid., p. 456.
(67)
Ibid., p. 456; cf. Leo XIII's
encyclical epistle Immortale Dei,
Acta Leonis XIII, V, 1885, p. 128; Pius
XI's encyclical letter Ubi arcano,
AAS 14 (1922) 698; and Pius XII's address to
the Union of International Sodalities of
Catholic Women, Rome, Sept. 11, 1947, AAS 39
(1947) 486. AAS 39 (1947) 486.
(68)
Cf. Pius XII's address to Italian workers,
Rome, Pentecost, June 13, 1943, AAS 35
(1943) 175.
(69)
Miscellanea Augustiniana . . . St.
Augustine, Sermones post Maurinos reperti,
Rome, 1930, p. 633.
(70)
Cf. Is. 9:6.
(71)
Eph. 2:14-17.
(72)
Responsory at Matins, Feria VI Within the
Octave of Easter.
(73)
John 14:27.